By Temitope B. Oriola
Crude oil extraction within the Niger Delta zone of Nigeria generates ninety six% of all international profits and eighty five% of kingdom sales, making it an important to the survival of the Nigerian country. a number of generations of nation forget, corruption and mismanagement have ensured that the Delta area is without doubt one of the so much socio-economically and politically disadvantaged within the kingdom. through the past due Nineties there has been a daunting proliferation of armed gangs and rebel teams. unlawful oil bunkering, pipeline vandalism, disruption of oil creation actions, riots, and demonstrations intensified and in 2003, insurgents begun kidnapping oil staff at a frenetic velocity. In overdue 2005, an uber-insurgent stream 'organization' used to be shaped in Nigeria. Christened the circulate for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), it operates as an amorphous, multifaceted amalgam of rebel teams with an exceptional medical precision in execution of intents. through focussing on kidnappings which are putatively hooked up to the fight for emancipating the Niger Delta, Oriola makes the case for analysing MEND as a social circulate association, instead of a terrorist or legal gang via displaying how political strategies form kidnappings within the Delta. using violent repertoires of competition has no longer garnered enough consciousness within the social circulate literature, although that worldwide, many comparable teams are adopting violent strategies with no unavoidably eschewing non-violent thoughts. according to multi-actor learn, together with interviews and concentration crew discussions with neighborhood contributors, army gurus, forty two ex-insurgents without delay occupied with unlawful oil bunkering and kidnapping, and legitimate e-mail statements from 'Jomo Gbomo', the spokesperson of MEND, this ebook can be of curiosity to sociologists, political scientists and peace and safety stories students.
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Extra info for Criminal Resistance? : The Politics of Kidnapping Oil Workers
As argued in Chapter 4, MEND is a mere beneficiary of an army of everyday people ready to take on the Nigerian state and its oil industry. The sheer number of insurgents demonstrates that the wider movement is not a collection of small pockets of people or gangs. For example, MEND’s affiliate called “Camp 5” in Gbaramatu Kingdom, Delta state had over 3000 operatives at the height of the insurgency. Although the exact number of insurgents is not known, the Camp 5 operatives are only a fraction of the overall insurgents.
In all the cabinets in the Niger Delta, you will find at least five per cent made up of former criminals, militant leaders held by the 15 Interviewee 19. My decision to take pictures of community members processing crude oil into diesel was met with a friendly but firm resistance by this participant. Kidnapping as “Public Good” 29 politicians to say be with us, we are going to use you at the appropriate time. The government is sustaining them. 16 While it is nearly impossible to ascertain the authenticity of the percentage of exmilitants in cabinet positions, what is hardly in doubt is that the rapport between insurgents and some elders and politicians during kidnapping negotiations is rather cozy.
This is because kidnapping often occurs concurrently with illegal oil bunkering, oil facility sabotage among other acts. Therefore, focusing on kidnapping is an empirical research choice. None the less, where it is impossible to disentangle other insurgent acts from kidnapping, all the observable collective actions with kidnapping are analyzed. Organization of the Book This book is organized into eight chapters. A brief description of Chapters 2 to 8 is provided below: Chapter 2, Kidnapping as “public good”: The Actors, Social Benefits and Harms of Nigeria’s Oil Insurgency, is an analysis of kidnapping episodes in the Delta as a spectacular series of theatrical performances within a lethal amphitheatre.