By David Koistinen
“Koistinen places the ‘political’ again in political economic system during this attention-grabbing account of recent England’s twentieth-century commercial erosion. quality learn and sound judgments make this learn crucial reading.”—Philip Scranton, Rutgers University–Camden
“Well-organized and obviously written, Confronting Decline appears at one neighborhood to appreciate a approach that has turn into actually national.”—David Stebenne, Ohio country University
“Koistinen’s very important ebook makes transparent that many commercial towns and areas started to decline as early because the 1920s.”—Alan Brinkley, Columbia University
“Sheds new mild on a posh approach of company that typically blurs, and infrequently overrides, the differences of personal and public, in addition to these of locality, nation, quarter, and state. In so doing, it extends and deepens the insights of earlier students of the yankee political economy.”—Robert M. Collins, college of Missouri
The upward thrust of the U.S. to a place of world management and gear rested in the beginning at the final result of the commercial Revolution. but as early because the Twenties, very important American industries have been in decline within the areas the place that they had initially flourished.
The decline of conventional manufacturing—deindustrialization—has been some of the most major features of the restructuring of the yankee economic system. during this quantity, David Koistinen examines the death of the fabric in New England from the Nineteen Twenties throughout the Eighties to higher comprehend the effect of business decline. concentrating on coverage responses to deindustrialization on the kingdom, nearby, and federal degrees, he bargains an in-depth examine the method of business decline over the years and indicates how this trend repeats itself during the nation and the world.
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Extra resources for Confronting Decline: The Political Economy of Deindustrialization in Twentieth-Century New England
Butler himself addressed the issue the following day. , the senator declared his opposition to any change in the 48-hour statute and made the highly questionable claim that he had worked within the Arkwright Club to head off efforts to alter the law. )27 This series of events, and especially Butler’s high-profile reversal of position on the 48-hour law, is revealing. With the votes of new immigrants and textile and shoe workers increasingly up for grabs in the mid-1920s, Democrats saw advantage in painting their opponents as enemies of labor legislation.
With these dynamics at work, a rough interregional equilibrium prevailed in cotton textiles through the early twentieth century. The lower-cost southern producers had higher growth and profit rates, but New England firms also fared well. Indeed, in a growing, tariff-protected national market, Yankee mill managers expanded their operations: capacity and employment at New England cotton firms peaked just after World War I. Industrial coexistence could not last indefinitely, however. As long as the South had lower manufacturing expenses, a broadening product line, and continued mill construction, a day would inevitably come when there would not be enough room at the top of the market for all New England producers.
In pressing the case for shorter hours, advocates organized rallies, circulated petitions, forged alliances with sympathetic politicians, and campaigned to defeat hostile candidates for office. Most legislators from the Bay State’s minority Democratic Party backed hours reduction—not surprising since the party drew the bulk of its urban vote from Irish Catholic residents, who were often working class and generally pro-union. Support also came from Republican legislators representing working-class constituents in import-sensitive industries who adhered to the Republican Party primarily due to its backing for protectionist tariffs.