By Ben Ross Schneider
Ben Schneider's comparative ancient research of the incorporation of commercial into politics in Latin the USA examines company association and political job over the past century in 5 of the biggest and so much constructed international locations of the area. Schneider's reason behind why enterprise grew to become larger geared up in Chile, Colombia, and Mexico than in Argentina and Brazil, lies neither in fiscal features of commercial nor broader political parameters, yet particularly within the cumulative influence of kingdom coverage activities.
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Extra resources for Business Politics and the State in Twentieth-Century Latin America
The situation in Latin America is distinct: labor unions are weaker, and business is more dependent on, and responsive to, the state. So it makes better sense there to look more closely at the “micro-motives” of state actors. Overall, what is still lacking in existing statist arguments is a more dynamic and microanalytical appreciation of the impacts of changing contexts, especially economic crises and new development strategies, on the incentives state actors have to shape collective action by business.
For macrostabilization 11 My arguments on how and why state actors help business organize apply to both voluntary associations and corporatist organizations, at least in their formative years. Over time, however, corporatist associations tend to take on lives of their own, and their persistence often has little to do with the political logic that prompted their initial creation. xml CY417B/Schneider 0 521 83651 4 May 14, 2004 23:42 States and Collective Action 27 and changing development strategies, the actors were likely to be at the very top; for sectoral issues, the actors might be senior officials in the ministry responsible for the particular policy area.
On the theoretical challenge of explaining variation, many scholars, Robert Putnam (1993) prominent among them, view strong civil societies as the result of centuries of evolution that are embedded in broader social, political, and cultural transformations. Change in civil society, if it happens at all, is glacial and part of overall systemic change. 9 Jonah Levy sums up the literature: “civil society is inherited, not constructed” (1999, 4). On the whole, this perspective offers little in the task of explaining shorter-term variations in business associations, primarily in the second half of the twentieth century in my case, in societies that share a common heritage and broadly similar political and economic challenges.