By Charles H. Stewart
During this booklet Charles Stewart analyses the improvement of the budgetary method in the home of Representatives among 1865 and 1921. The interval all started with the construction of the home Appropriations Committee and ended with the passage of the Budgetary Accounting Act. makes an attempt at switch have been heavily concerning societal and fiscal, but in addition to institutional, advancements in this interval. either the electoral method and the nationwide social gathering approach, in addition to battle and different monetary crises, impacted upon the budgetary procedure.
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Additional resources for Budget Reform Politics: The Design of the Appropriations Process in the House of Representatives, 1865-1921 (Political Economy of Institutions and Decisions)
As government does more and programs expand, it becomes more likely that the aggregate consequences of all federal spending will materially affect the well-being of millions of people, as the more direct consequences of individual programs become more difficult to contain strictly locally. " Members know that unless a certain minimum level of fiscal health is maintained, the financial underpinnings of the universalism on which they so depend will be destroyed. As the time horizons of legislators expand, and they have varied over time, it is more likely that legislators will support at least the minimum level of budgetary control and coordination necessary to allow them to live to spend another day (Mayhew 1974, I 45~ I 4^)- Z ' Gaining this level of control is not easy, of course.
Member A then could renege on the vote trade, vote with C to deny B its projects in round 2, and come out 5 units ahead: (10, —5, —5) versus (5, 5, —10). Legislators realize this potential problem, of course, and usually avoid it in practice. But the scenario does have a probability greater than zero.
Yet by assuming (1) that the type of structure one has materially affects probable outcomes and (2) that politicians go about changing structures in order to change substance, we are first of all making structural decisions explicitly political and, second, relegating to secondary theoretical status other reform motiI o There may be questions at the outset about applying a theory to nineteenth-century congressional behavior that assumes reelection seeking. This issue is directly treated in the following chapter.